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Rousseff Cries at Presentation of Report
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  1. The politics of military rule in Brazil, 1964-85
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The photo, he said, was taken in , when the military allegedly kidnapped him and interrogated him for about a week before releasing him. Another militant and torture victim, Crimeia Alice Schmidt de Almeida, deplored the lack of military convictions for human rights abuses.

A few retired members of the military have been charged with crimes, but an amnesty law has prevented most prosecutions linked to abuses under the dictatorship from leading to convictions.

The politics of military rule in Brazil, 1964-85

Barros, the government spokesman, did not give any details about the kind of events that might be held for the March 31 commemorations. But it is up to each facility to decide what to do. Castelo Branco initially planned to hand power back to civilians by the end of his term, but the radical sectors of the military had other ideas.

In response, the government radicalized its repressive actions, suspending the constitution and imposing censorship. In , Costa e Silva died of a heart attack and was succeeded by a military junta.

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Army School of the Americas in Panama. By the end of his term in , left-wing armed organizations had been wiped out of the political landscape. That period also marked an increase of inequality in Brazil, and there was no solid growth-to-growth. The poor became poorer, unemployment rose, and the internal market shrank abruptly. Read the full story NOW! Tags: Violence - Democracy - History - Dictatorship.

Hours: Enduring Torture in Brazil (Documentary)

Brazil is one of the most unequal countries in the world. In Brazil, their national income share is 28 percent, while in China that number is 14 percent.

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Luxury apartments and favelas are right next to each other, and while some lucky Brazilians are vacationing in Europe, others can barely make ends meet. In fact, only 10 percent of them believe that the government works on behalf of everyone.

The rich seem to matter more. And when people feel like the system is no longer working for them, and that everyone is not in it together, they are more likely to look for something different.

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The number of Brazilians who identify as evangelical Christians has gone up to In the National Congress, evangelical Christian lawmakers have seen their numbers soar, thanks to the financial support from churches led by Silas Malafaia from Assemblies of God Church and Edir Macedo from Universal Church. The evangelical bloc has become more powerful, better funded, and increasingly more influential and popular. The growth in the number of evangelical Christian Brazilians goes in tandem with the growth in number of those who identify as socially conservative.

A poll showed that in the past six years, Brazilians of all ages, all levels of income and education, and both sexes have become more conservative.


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Fifty-four percent of the respondents have shown a rightward shift on issues such as abortion, same-sex marriage, the death penalty, lifetime imprisonment, and lowering the legal age at which juveniles can be tried as an adult. These are people who are deeply dissatisfied with policies that they deem too liberal.

His church has more than congregations spread around the country. He says the believers should be politicized, so that they can defend Christian principles. The decline in support for democracy is also regional. Their latest report shows that trust has been on the decline throughout the region since when it first started polling. When compared with respondents in other Latin American countries, Brazilians were the second least likely to support democracy.

Ironically, now that Brazilian democracy is starting to really work, uncovering corruption that has plagued the country for decades, citizens are sick of it. His misogynistic, racist, homophobic, xenophobic remarks have earned him comparisons to Donald Trump.

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Bolsonaro is an avid advocate to a return of generals to the highest public office. After more than two decades advocating for a return to military rule, his rhetoric is finally catching up to public opinion. Most concerning, however, is not Bolsonaro being elected, but rather the combination of factors that could lead to a return to dictatorship.

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A bad economy, a corrupt political class, fear of violence, and rising inequality make the return to dictatorship a real possibility in the minds of many Brazilians. Brazilian democracy faces one of its most crucial moments. By choosing I Accept , you consent to our use of cookies and other tracking technologies.